Cleveland Rocks

A popular and hilarious YouTube music video begins, “Come on down to Clevelandtown, everyone”.   Last month, my father and I did just that.

DSC_1551 It sometimes seems as if everyone in America has roots in Ohio.  I have several friends who were born and raised there, but I had never been, and was quite eager to know what that state–the textbook definition of “middle America”–looks and feels like.  Moreover, in recent years, my growing fascination with industrial America has made Cleveland especially intriguing to me.  How, I wondered, did a place with such a prominent working class reputation come to have one of the best orchestras in the world?  What inspires people to endure such brutal winter weather?  What does it feel like to be in the “Rust Belt” at a time when manufacturing is dying in the country?  Meanwhile, an exhibit at the Rock and Roll Hall of Fame and Museum made a visit to Cleveland in 2010 essential.  And though I would have liked to visit in a less frigid season, my schedule did not permit it.  So I traveled to Cleveland in December.

It has been decades since I traveled with my father, and this seemed like a perfect opportunity.  I met him in St. Petersburg the night before our early morning flight.  We had to leave the house at 5:30 Wednesday morning, but the traffic at that hour is minimal, and the lines at Tampa International Airport were as short as they probably get.  We were anticipating an adventure in the new full-body scanners the TSA has introduced nationwide, but not only did we not get screened, but “nobody even touched my junk”, my dad said.

DSC_1403 The sun had barely risen when we were flying north along the western coast of Florida, over Tallahassee, and on to Atlanta.  We could see Stone Mountain as we made our descent.  Our layover there was brief, and we were soon soaring high above the Appalachian Mountains en route to Cleveland.  The skies were mostly overcast, so our first view of Ohio came only as we were about to touch down at Hopkins Airport.  We landed in snow, and when we exited the plane we walked down steps onto the tarmac before making our way into the terminal.  I must say that Hopkins Airport is not Cleveland’s most impressive monument.  It was rather bleak.

DSC_1447 Thinking back on a recent trip to New York, where the Crowne Plaza offered free transportation, I thought I ought to call and see if our hotel might pick us up at the airport.  “What’s the best way to get to the hotel from the airport”, I asked.  “The best way is a taxi”, replied the girl at the desk.  In hindsight, I ought to have asked what was the most practical or affordable way, because a cab cost $33 plus tip.  Still, the twelve-mile ride was comfortable, and the driver took us directly to the front door of our hotel.

DSC_1456 The Radisson Gateway is nothing special to look at from the outside.  Really, it is rather unassuming – the sort of place you wouldn’t notice if you drove by.  Indeed, the Radisson is so plain that I forgot to take a picture of the exterior.  But it was as clean as could be, and, truth be told, quite conveniently located.  We arrived around one o’clock, and even though check-in was not until 4:00PM, the clerk found us a double room ready on the spot.  Room 323 was huge, with high ceilings, crown molding, and two Sleep Number beds.  Though it lacked a closet, it did have a substantial wardrobe for us to hang our coats.  The water pressure in the shower was powerful, and the hot water was instant and endless.

Ontario Street and Prospect Avenue, Cleveland After getting situated, my dad and I set out for our first destination, the Rock and Roll Hall of Fame and Museum.  To get there we headed east on Huron Avenue, then north on Ninth Street.  Cleveland impressed us immediately with its grand old buildings.  While many newer skyscrapers of glass and steel have risen downtown, along with oppressive mid-century failures, the old stone masterpieces are still there, too, including a handsome cathedral, an old bank, and myriad buildings with elaborate architectural details.  Some were being restored, others were neglected, and, sadly, many had likely been demolished long before we arrived to make way for uglier buildings and parking lots.

Cleveland Skyline No. 3 As we walked up Ninth, which slopes down to the north, a dark grey feature appeared on the horizon.  At first it seemed oddly blank against the snowy sidewalks and open streets of the city.  Then it became clear that it was Lake Erie, looking fierce and menacing, like a body of water moments before a terrible storm begins.  Far from shore I could see white-capped waves that contrasted sharply with the still, frozen surface of the lake nearer the shore.  Indeed, along the harbor, the water was frozen in irregularly-shaped chunks that gave one the impression they had been distinct icebergs smashed together by force, though, of course they weren’t.  The outside air temperature was twenty-five degrees, which was hardly distressing at all until we passed an open intersection and park, where the wind came howling down the avenues from the west.  Then it was positively frigorific, and hands needed to remain in pockets lest they freeze.

DSC_1473 We arrived at the steps of the Rock and Roll Hall of Fame and Museum at about 2:30 in the afternoon, and it felt delightfully warm inside.  The building, designed by I.M. Pei, has a distinctive sloped glass front facing south that allows a substantial amount of light on an otherwise dark December day.  The clerk at the ticket counter to the left of the doors told us the museum was open until nine o’ clock that night.  I asked him about how much time we’d need to really see everything, anticipating that we might benefit from two-day passes if, as I’ve experienced at many museums, I take my sweet time to look at everything.  “No”, he said, “four hours is plenty of time”.  So my dad and I just bought single day passes, which cost $22 a piece, making it the most expensive museum I have ever visited.  We deposited our jackets at the coat check on the lower level, where they also collected my camera, since no photographing of the exhibits is allowed.  You will have to use your imagination as I describe what we saw.

In tall circular glass cases in the lower lobby, assorted electric and acoustic guitars were arranged in random order.  They belonged to an assortment of musicians famous and obscure.  The one I liked best there was Johnny Cash’s ancient Gibson J-200 with his name inlaid on the fretboard in mother-of-pearl.  A small collection of automobiles was parked nearby, including ZZ Top’s Eliminator and Joan Jett’s first car, a sleek black Jaguar she bought before she even had a driver’s license.

Museum staff collected our tickets as we entered the main exhibit space.  The first things we saw were cases full of Jim Morrison artifacts, followed by Jimi Hendrix’s childhood drawings, photos, and clothing and instruments from his rock star days.  Those were fairly substantial collections.  The rest of the downstairs exhibit space devoted less space to any individual or band.  Clothing appears to form the bulk of the Rock and Roll Hall of Fame and Museum’s collection.  Every corner is filled with outfits worn on stage or in music videos.  Some seemed simple enough, but a vast majority were elaborate or unusual.  I enjoyed the impression of scale suggested by the clothes.  Mick Jagger and David Bowie, for example, must be small gentlemen, indeed, while Jimi Hendrix must have been a large fellow.  Stevie Nicks must be downright miniature: her tiny gypsy outfits were displayed.  There was a decent display of Elvis objects, including his fantastic bejeweled white jumpsuit, and a car he had given to a member of his Memphis entourage.  The sign below it explained that Elvis went to a Cadillac dealership and spent nearly $200,000 on cars for his friends.  While there, he bought a car for a lady who was just in browsing at the time.  What a guy.  The $1,400 check from the first mortgage payment he made on Graceland was there, as was the receipt for $1,300 for the mansions distinctive gates.  Representing the Beatles were several costumes, including their famous collarless suits, and the vibrant yellow-green military-style uniform John Lennon wore on the cover of St. Pepper’s Lonely Hearts Club Band, complete with fanciful medals, epaulets and the royal coat of arms  on the sleeve.  The costume appeared to be in impeccable condition.  Nearby were Lennon’s distinctive round-framed National Health spectacles that he wore from around 1967 until 1973.  The Rickenbackers Lennon and George Harrison played on many early Beatles records were there, too.

The exhibit which I traveled half way across the country to see was upstairs in its own separate area, and it was amazing.  “From Asbury Park to the Promised Land” featured dozens of Bruce Springsteen artifacts, from clothing and furniture to instruments and notebooks full of handwritten lyrics.  The Teac four-track cassette recorder Springsteen used to record Nebraska was on display, as was the keyboard-operated glockenspiel that always sat atop Danny Federici’s Hammond Organ, and which features prominently in so many classic Springsteen songs.  The most amazing object, of course on display, of course, was THE Guitar, as the fans call it: Springsteen’s Fender Telecaster that, in fact, is a 1950s Telecaster body with an Esquire neck.  This is the guitar Springsteen played almost exclusively from the early 1970s until the mid-eighties – the guitar you see on the cover of Born to Run.  It is beat to hell, and there isn’t a trace of lacquer left anywhere on the fretboard.  The body is so well-used that the wood is worn down an eighth of an inch in places.  It’s the accumulated wear associated with proving it all night, every night, for decades.  I was thrilled to see it.

DSC_1488 My father and I were starving when we left the museum, but, bizarrely, there appear to be no restaurants near the Rock and Roll Hall of Fame.  We knew, though, that eateries abound in the Gateway district where we were staying, so we ventured back that way.  We both felt compelled to try a cozy looking place on Prospect Avenue called Vincenza’s Pizza.  Though it was 5:30, the restaurant appeared almost deserted.  I was overjoyed to see that Chicago-style pizza was on the menu, and was cheap, to boot.  We ordered a whole pie, and enjoyed our Cokes while we waited for it.  When it arrived we were astonished by its size.  It proved far too much food, in spite of the fact that we hadn’t eaten anything that day but a few cookies on the airplane.  We had a quarter of the pizza left to take back to our hotel.  The entire bill, with drinks, came to barely $17.

I wanted to pick up some extra soda to take back to the hotel, so we walked around the corner to a CVS.  Inside I found my normal one-liter bottle of cola that I buy every day at work for almost a dollar less.  Milk cost over a dollar less per gallon.  Gasoline was about the same price as it is in Florida, but other commodities seemed absurdly cheap in Cleveland.

DSC_1490 The next day we made our way by taxi to the Tremont district south of downtown.  Our destination was the house featured in the now-classic holiday film A Christmas Story.  There, in a humble working-class neighborhood, near the intersection of 11th Street and Rowley Avenue, sat the house, immediately identifiable.  Two other houses across the street are used as a ticket office/gift shop and a museum for the film.  We purchased our tickets ($8 each) and joined a tour that had just begun.  The guide explained that that house was the one used for all exterior shots in the film, and for any interior shots in which the outside can be seen through the windows.  So, when the Old Man is admiring his “major award”, what you are seeing is the house in Cleveland.  I was amused to find that Ralph’s lie about getting injured by a falling icicle could just as easily have been true, since icicles lined the roof of the houseThe backyard was enclosed by a short wood fence, beyond which lay the vast Industrial Valley.

Tremont Neighborhood My father and I were both impressed by the authenticity of the whole place.  Not the house-turned-movie set, but the neighborhood itself.  It was made of streets like millions of others in the northern United States, with two and three story homes spaced closely together.  At the corner adjacent to the Christmas Story House was a small neighborhood tavern, where, one imagines, neighborhood people stop for a bite and a drink after work.

DSC_1545 Wishing to explore more of the the real Cleveland, we decided to walk a bit.  We strolled north up 14th Street, crossing over Interstate 490, past Lincoln Park, where children were enjoying the snow, and continued until we ran out of sidewalk before the Cuyahoga River.  We passed neat old apartment buildings, grand old churches coated with soot, an abandoned art gallery, and more than a few empty old houses.  Cleveland, of course, has been hard hit by the decline of manufacturing that only escalated with NAFTA in the 1990s.  Though it’s meant to be funny, the line in the “Hastily Made Cleveland Tourism Video” that says, “this train is carrying jobs out of Cleveland” is mostly true.  Cleveland, like much of industrial America, is losing jobs.  Still, as our taxi driver James told us, if you can find work, Cleveland is a place where, “for very little money”, a person “can live very well”.

Tower City Center No. 1 James dropped us off at Public Square, right in the heart of downtown.  In the old days, that was the site of Higbee’s Department Store – the very place Ralph spies the Red Ryder BB gun he desperately wants.  Today the window is still filled with toys, but the department store is gone.  In its place is a tourism office.  We walked through the Square, past the statue of Moses Cleaveland (“he’s the guy who invented Cleveland”), past the Soldier’s and Sailor’s Memorial, past the wonderful statues outside the post office, past the Key Bank Building, and back to Vincenza’s Pizza.  The large deep dish pizza the day before proved excessive, so we opted this time for the medium, which was still ridiculously large, and absurdly cheap: $8 was the price of the pie.  With drinks our total was not much more than $10, which, for a sit-down restaurant is hard to believe.  The building that houses Vincenzo’s Pizza is itself an arcade of sorts, with a high glass ceiling, and dozens of small shop spaces.  Many of these, sadly, were vacant, but some contained jewelers, barbers, and a gymnasium.  It is an amazing building, but another arcade a block north defies comparison.

DSC_1574 The Arcade, as it is called, was built in the late nineteenth century, which was, apparently, the true heyday of Cleveland.  Funded by insanely rich industrialists, the Arcade is an astonishing gem that surely cost a fortune, and could likely not be recreated today at any price.  The glass ceiling is several stories above the ground floor, which is flanked on either side by long balconies held up by elaborate ironwork.  No opportunity was wasted to feature highly-detailed brass railings or richly-ornamented lamp posts.   I’m not being mean when I say that the fanciest shopping mall you have ever been in sucks compared to the Arcade, at least in terms of beauty and craftsmanship.  Hats are a popular fashion accessory in Cleveland, and I was taken by a display of warm-looking knitted caps in a store window in the Arcade.  I went inside and picked out a matching set of hand-knitted wool hat and mittens for Miriam.  The sales lady was super nice, and talked to us for some time about Cleveland.  She expressed surprise that we would leave Florida in December to vacation in Cleveland, which, I suppose, is a legitimate source of confusion.

DSC_1585 We left the Arcade and continued wandering, just admiring the architecture.  We passed the Federal Reserve Bank of Cleveland (indicated by a “D” on United States currency), with its allegorical statues of Integrity and Security guarding the door.  The Cleveland Metropolitan School District building was large, and we supposed that it must look beautiful in the spring when the ivy leafs out again.  A fabulous old building on East 6th Street currently being renovated–as evidenced by the contractor’s trailer parked out front–was apparently once distinguished by the words “NATIONAL BROADCASTING COMPANY” in large copper letters beneath a clock flanked by two carved stone eagles.

DSC_1611 Occupying an entire city block, between St. Clair and Lakeside Avenues and bounded by East 6th Street and the open park space of the Cleveland Mall, the Cleveland Public Auditorium is one of the most impressive structures I have ever seen in my life.  The scale is simply massive, and the exterior is built of what I assume must be pale sandstone, with windows recessed into arched niches.  Carved into the stone along the top of the south facade are the words “1796 CLEVELAND PUBLIC AUDITORIUM 1928“.   Better still, the east and west facades bear the inscription:

A MONUMENT CONCEIVED AS A TRIBUTE TO THE IDEALS OF CLEVELAND – BUILDED BY HER CITIZENS AND DEDICATED TO SOCIAL PROGRESS, INDUSTRIAL ACHIEVEMENT AND CIVIC INTEREST – PATRIOTISM PROGRESS CULTURE

It’s absolutely fantastic – my idea of a perfect public building.

Cleveland City Hall Interior If the Cleveland Public Auditorium is impressive on the outside, Cleveland City Hall is magnificent on the inside.  It is, simply put, a temple – a temple to community and civic authority.  Through the Vatican-sized bronze doors, my father and I passed through the ubiquitous metal detectors, beyond which is an enormous lobby.  The arched ceiling rises several stories above the polished stone floor, and the entire room is lined with massive columns.  Two wonderful frescoes adorn either end of the room above balconies.  Even the mailbox is fancy.  We walked through the space in awe, then came to the far end, where, to our great surprise, we came upon The Spirit of ’76.  We left Cleveland City Hall quite amazed.  The building is, we discovered, Cleveland Landmark No. 1.

DSC_1646 The next morning we had to depart for the airport.  Recalling the thirty dollar cab ride to the hotel, we opted to take the train.  It was windy and cold as we carried our luggage down Prospect Avenue to Tower City Center.  The train station is in the basement of a skyscraper.  I am ashamed to say I needed help from a Transit Authority worker.  I have been on trains and subways in some of the world’s great cities, and have managed to figure out the ticket-purchase procedure, but Cleveland had me baffled.  Still, with help we got our tickets: $4 for both of us one-way to the airport.  The train was a little late, but we had given ourselves ample time.  As the train left the station I got my last views of Cleveland.

DSC_1664 At the airport we printed our boarding passes and passed through security.  I noticed a mounted display of all the cool stuff you cannot take on airplanes.  It was snowing again as the plane pulled away from the airport, and the skies were cloudy for hundreds of miles.  Finally, as we crossed the Appalachians we could see the land.  We changed planes in Charlotte, which has a beautiful airport, then were back in Tampa by the early afternoon. My dad and I had lunch together before heading to Uncle Tom’s house, where we relaxed until Miriam arrived from Gainesville and I went home.

The trip was a huge success and I will never forget it.  Indeed, I’d gladly go back.  People make fun of Cleveland, but I don’t know why.  It’s not Detroit.

The Problem Is Real

In a New York Times op-ed today, Mark Wu cites several reasons he believes China’s over-valued currency is a less significant issue to the United States than has been portrayed in the media.  “Many Americans believe that the Chinese jobs being preserved by an artificially low currency come at the expense of American jobs”, writes Wu.  He goes on to say why he thinks this idea is an over-simplification or simply incorrect, writing that

I recently did an analysis of the top American exports to our 20 leading foreign markets, and found little evidence that an undervalued Chinese currency hurts American exports to third countries. This is mostly because there is little head-to-head competition between America and China. In less than 15 percent of top export products — for example, network routers and solar panels — are American and Chinese corporations competing directly against one another. By and large, we are going after entirely different product markets; we market things like airplanes and pharmaceuticals while China sells electronics and textiles.

In essence, Wu is claiming that China and the USA are not in direct competition because we each produce different things.  Wu’s analysis struck me because I have seen this argument a lot recently, and I believe it misses something extremely important.  If we translate Wu’s premise to another situation it looks like this:

Mr. Smith is an architect with three decades of experience.  He does quality work and draws a good salary.  One day the president of the firm comes in and lays off Mr. Smith, telling him that the firm has brought in a new, younger architect named Brad who is fresh out of school and who will work for much, much less.  Mr. Smith cannot find another job in his field because of his age and salary requirements, so he takes a job bagging groceries at Publix.  By Wu’s logic, Mr. Smith and Brad are not competing head-to-head because Brad is an architect and Mr. Smith is a bag boy.

I flatly reject this argument that Wu and others make because it forgets that the USA used to make the things that China now makes.  Go to your kitchen drawer and look for your Swing-a-Way can-opener.  If you bought it a few years ago you will see the words “Made in USA” stamped on it; if you bought it within the last year or so you will see it was made in China.  China IS our direct competition because the manufacturing jobs that have sustained our economy since the Industrial Revolution are moving to China.  Almost all the products you have in your home–your television, your furniture, your bed sheets, your can opener–would have once been made in the United States, but are today more likely to have been made in China.

If we consider the myriad products that America used to make (not just the current “top export products”), and then consider the hundreds, even thousands, of people who used to work in each of the factories that produced those products, it is not surprising that unemployment in the United States is close to ten percent.  The value of China’s currency is not the only problem, of course.  Chinese workers are simply willing to work for less money than American workers for a variety of reasons.  But Mark Wu, and others like him, want us to believe that the enormous trade imbalance between China and the USA is not so important, while, in fact, it is extremely important.  There will never be enough service jobs to employ every American worker.  Unless we want to see permanently high unemployment in the Unites States we will need to seriously confront the dire issue of Chinese competition.

The Haitian Revolution and the Evolution of Ideas

Among those academics and scholars whose studies concern the vast field of history there appears to be a general consensus that “in the sequence of revolutions that remade the Atlantic world from 1776 to 1825, the Haitian Revolution is rarely given its due.”[1] The American Revolution and the French Revolution have, doubtless, received considerably more attention by thinkers in all disciplines.  Indeed, a long-running and diverse literature thoroughly articulates the myriad topics—the artistic, economic, military, political, and social domains—of those conflicts in tremendous detail.  One possible reason for this seems perfectly logical: relatively speaking, those historical phenomena offer copious quantities of source material, orders of magnitude more plentiful than that which is available related to the Haitian Revolution.  However, while the Haitian Revolution is far less familiar to the public, and while it has attracted less attention from English-speaking scholars, the writing on the subject is nevertheless expanding, with more historians recognizing the significance and uniqueness of this transformative event.

Though scholars disagree very slightly on the precise date that a small group of elite black slaves first took up arms against their masters[2], the evidence seems clear that August of 1791 marked a turning point in Haiti, and, as many claim, the world.  The slaves who revolted that summer night could not have foreseen the transformations that their actions ultimately precipitated:  they were not, as yet, revolutionaries.  They were, rather, simply one more group of oppressed people who, like countless oppressed people before and since, took the only course of action that they perceived to be available.  When, over a decade later, the violence finally came more or less to an end, any of those slaves still alive who participated in the August 1791 revolt would have found their country entirely transformed.  By almost any measure, society had been turned upside down from what it had been throughout the preceding two centuries or more.  The conditions that preceded the uprising; the circumstances that provoked it; the events both diplomatic and military that defined it; the people who engaged actively for and against it; and the myriad transformations brought about by it are the subjects of numerous articles and monographs dating back to the time of the Revolution itself.  As with most historical topics, the perspectives and the positions of the writers of that history have evolved over time.  In this essay we will briefly explore several of those authors and arguments, and propose some aspects of the Haitian Revolution that might be better illuminated by further discussion.

Background

First, it might be useful to consider the various problems associated with writing about colonial Caribbean in general, and the Haitian Revolution in particular.  Indeed, Haiti itself presents distinct problems as a topic of writing for myriad reasons.  Most obviously, the Revolution notwithstanding, the nation’s history is almost uniformly tragic.

The precipitous decline in the population of native Taíno and Carib Indians following the island’s European discovery by Columbus in 1492 now stands as a bleak omen.  In spite of laws enacted by the Spanish in 1512 ostensibly to govern the behavior of its colonial settlers in the New World and protect the Indians from abuse, the Indians continued to suffer.  The practical effect of the Leyes de Burgos appears in retrospect to have been highly counter-productive.  By requiring that, “for the improvement and remedy” of the many health and safety concerns plaguing the natives, the “chiefs and Indians should forthwith be brought to dwell near the villages and communities of the Spaniards who inhabit that Island, so that they may be treated and taught and looked after as is right and as we have always desired,” the Spanish only exacerbated an already serious problem.[3] Living in such close proximity to Europeans who carried diseases to which they were dangerously susceptible, the Taíno and Carib Indians began dying at alarming rates.  Estimates vary, but from the tally of three million indigenous people made by Bishop Bartolomé de las Casas upon Columbus’s arrival, the native population shrank to well under two hundred Caribs in 1550.[4] Meanwhile, requiring that the indigenous people adopt Spanish religious and social customs while simultaneously brutally forcing them to engage in unpaid labor, any seemingly benign motives of the Spanish are called into question.  Given this brutality, and the shocking and practically genocidal demise of the native Taíno and Carib Indians, records from this period are either scarce or largely unreliable.  Bishop Bartolomé de las Casas’s population estimate, for example, appears to be improbably high, though any realistic number would still render European contact a tremendously unproductive circumstance for Hispaniola’s natives.

Also contributing to the perceived limitations in the historiography of Haiti is the overall dearth of primary documents and sources.  In the preface to Written in Blood (1978), Heinl and Heinl argue that “[d]espite a story that is dramatic, eventful, tragic, ironic, and bizarre, the world’s first black republic, born of the only successful slave insurrection in history, can claim no history in print today in any language.”  The authors claim that, although Haiti has not gone “unnoticed” by scholars, the then-current works “passing for history” largely present “impressionistic writing,” and not the history of the Haitians themselves.  Heinl and Heinl point out that

The rebel slaves who founded Haiti were largely illiterate or semiliterate.  They kept no records.  The few public documents of the time, together with donations of books intended for a national library, were allowed to be dispersed or destroyed during the 1820s under the Boyer regime; and the upheavals and conflagrations of a country with nearly two hundred years of subsequent revolutions, coups, insurrections, and civil wars, aside from the ravages of the tropics, of theft and of neglect, did for the rest.[5]

So, when an explosion destroyed the National Palace in the mid-nineteenth century, also lost were innumerable diplomatic and military documents and files.  The National Archives were destroyed in 1883, and in the following quarter century, several more catastrophes, along with theft, loss, and pilferage, would again cost Haiti the precious and dwindling documents of its national heritage.[6]

Meanwhile, over two hundred years since the founding of the République d’Haïti, the nation has struggled in vain to maintain even the most basic semblance of order.  The assassination of Jacques Dessalines, Haiti’s first head of state, in 1806, precipitated a territorial division between the northern and southern portions of the island that continued for almost a decade.  After reunification, and an ultimately futile attempt to claim Santo Domingo, Haiti continued to suffer through one disastrous president after another, and lost several leaders to assassination, perhaps reaching a political nadir during the ten-year period in the mid-nineteenth century when the Republic was disbanded altogether.  The constitution was frequently and flagrantly disregarded by corrupt or incompetent leaders.  The twentieth century was similarly unkind to Haiti, leading to United States intervention, followed by years of corrupt, totalitarian and extraordinarily violent rule by François Duvalier, followed by further ineffective leadership leading into the new millennium.  Though “according to its constitution and written laws, Haiti meets most international human rights standards” today, “in practice…many provisions are not observed,” and “the government’s human rights record is poor.”  Fewer than half of its citizens are employed, and they have a life expectancy and literacy rate considerably lower than the rest of Latin America.[7] Today, Haiti is the poorest country in the Western Hemisphere.  It ranks near the bottom of the United Nations International Human Development Index.[8]

Perhaps most tragically, Haiti has been the regular victim of a variety of natural disasters.  Hurricanes Hazel (1954), Flora (1963), Cleo (1964) and Inez (1966) killed many thousands of people, and left many hundreds of thousands homeless by leveling entire towns, while decimating agriculture and livestock.[9] Most devastating, of course, was a 2010 earthquake that measured 7.0 on the moment magnitude scale.  Following the quake and an associated tsunami, the government estimated that well over two hundred thousand people had been killed, and 1.3 million made homeless.[10] Once again, Haiti saw its government and resources stretched beyond their limits, and only with considerable international aid was an even greater loss of life prevented.

Finally, the Haitian Revolution was an astonishingly complex event, or, rather, sequence of small events that resulted in an outcome that only became clear in time  – like a sophisticated painting or tapestry that from a distance represents something we believe we recognize, but at closer inspection reveals details that surprise and confuse us.  It may be tempting to explain that the rebellion in Saint-Domingue was an insurgency of black slaves against their white masters.  It was that, but it wasn’t only blacks or slaves who participated in the insurrection and its violence.  Another myth is that armed black rebels slaughtered whites without mercy – an interpretation shaped, perhaps, by the accounts of elite French refugees and British soldiers sent to subdue the uprising.  But history is seldom as simple as it seems.  As David Geggus points out, “the insurrection produced acts of great savagery from the slaves, as from the whites and coloureds, but also numerous acts of loyalty or kindness both individual and collective.  Toussant Louverture maintained calm on his master’s plantation for a month before conveying the manager’s wife to safety and joining the rebels.”[11] Similarly, motivations and allegiances frequently shifted, and enemies sometimes became allies before once again becoming enemies.  Thus, attempts to over-simplify the causes, progress, and effects of this history do disservice to those who participated in this unique episode.

All of these details serve to illustrate the almost uniquely tragic story of the Republic of Haiti and its people, and suggest the myriad challenges facing those undertaking a historical analysis of the revolution that began there over two hundred years ago.

Three Primary Sources

Laurent Dubois opens the first chapter of his book Avengers of the New World (2004) by introducing one of the many exiles of Saint-Domingue living in Philadelphia in the mid-1790s.  Like so many white merchants and masters, along with the black slaves they brought with them as property, Médéric-Louis-Elie Moreau de St. Méry

had arrived carrying almost nothing.  He was in fact lucky to be alive: a warrant for his arrest had been issued in Paris just as he left the port of Le Havre in 1793.  In his haste he had left behind an irreplaceable possession: a set of boxes filled with notes and documents he had collected over a decade of research for books he was writing on French Saint-Domingue and Spanish Santo Domingo.[12]

Given the terrific strife underway in Saint-Domingue at the time, it is astonishing that Moreau—a Creole lawyer and freemason—was ever reunited with his lost cache of writings.  It was, perhaps, far more likely that his work would have been destroyed in one of the countless fires that destroyed white property in the cities, towns, and plantations of Saint-Domingue during the uprising.

Moreau’s writings are presented in a “vastly abridged” 1985 translation edited by Ivor D. Spencer.  The full title of Moreau’s two-volume manuscript, published in Philadelphia between 1797 and 1798, translates to A Topographical, Physical, Civil, Political and Historical Description of the French Part of the Island of Santo Domingo, with General Observations on its Population, on the Character and Customs of its Diverse Inhabitants, on its Climate, Culture, Production, Administration, Etc. This is a conspicuously benign title considering the nature of both the events transpiring in Saint-Domingue at the time, and Moreau’s own experiences as a refugee fleeing the violence there. Curiously, Spencer titles his translation, A Civilization that Perished: the Last Years of White Colonial Rule in Haiti.  Taken at face value, the implications of such a name are rather troubling, and contrast markedly with Dubois’ Avengers of the New World, Nick Nesbitt’s Universal Emancipation: the Haitian Revolution and Radical Enlightenment (2008), Doris Garraway’s Tree of Liberty: Cultural Legacies of the Haitian Revolution in the Atlantic World (2008), and Jeremy Popkin’s You Are All Free (2010).   Those books’ titles promise a hopeful ethos and the possibility for redemption.  Even Ashli White’s Encountering Revolution: Haiti and the Making of the Early Republic (2010), and Martin Ros’s Night of Fire: the Black Napoleon and the Battle for Haiti (1994) present titles that suggest the revolutionaries were working toward something positive, whether or not the results of their efforts were as successful as they would have hoped.  Even C.L.R. James’s seminal The Black Jacobins (1938), though far from neutral in its depiction of events, offers a less overtly provocative title provided one recognizes the distinction between the original meaning of “Jacobin” and the rather more pejorative burden the word carries today.

Spencer does not appear eager to escape a potential controversy.  In his introduction he poses two rhetorical questions: First, was pre-revolutionary Saint-Domingue “a true civilization, when human beings were kept as slaves, and under a cruel administration at that, after transportation from Africa under most brutal conditions”?  Spencer appears to defer to Moreau, claiming that Saint-Domingue was not merely a cruel and brutal colony, but one “of wealth and even brilliance.”  Citing the colony’s “repertory theaters, staffed by professional actors,” “newspapers and scientific activity,” and “efficient economic pursuits,” might accurately reflect Moreau’s own definition of “civilization,” but by appearing to accept these definitions at face value, Spencer wades into dangerous waters.  The second question Spencer asks and answers only muddies those waters: “Did this society perish?”  It seems like a straightforward question, and Spencer does not shy away in his response: “Yes, pretty much.”  Why?  Spencer’s answer is, in essence, “white society disappeared,” and with it the cultural and economic institutions that they controlled.[13] Considering the relative scarcity of original contemporary sources, it is extremely useful to have Moreau’s account of Saint-Domingue in the years before Haitian independence, whatever his attitudes may be about colonial society, and Spencer’s translation fills an important gap.

Two other significant contemporary texts exist related to the turbulent years of the Haitian Revolution, and, fortunately, they are both in English.  The first is The Haitian Journal of Lieutenant Howard, York Hussars, 1796-1798, available in a volume edited by Roger Norman Buckley, published the same year (1985) as Spencer’s translation of Moreau.  Lieutenant Thomas Phipps Howard and his regiment were dispatched to the West Indies during the last years of Great Britain’s presence in Saint-Domingue.  Buckley describes Howard’s Journal as “probably the only reliable firsthand military account in English,” that “provides a rare and stark look at the slow yet inexorable wearing down of the British army in Saint-Domingue.”[14] In it we read the words of a thoughtful English officer dispatched to help preserve the institution of slavery during a period of fierce slave insurrection.  His initial impressions of the human chattel are telling, and quite consistent with his background.  Having perceived that “People of Colour” outnumber whites “twenty to one,”[15] he also recognizes the complex racial dynamic that involved free blacks and mulattoes.[16] Still, in spite of his “deep inner conflict about slavery,” Howard was nevertheless unsentimental, noting in places that “the slaves appear to be used very well [and] some of them are by no means ugly, setting aside their colour.”[17] He also doesn’t hesitate to describe the atrocities committed by the black insurgents:

Murder, Assassination, Rape, [and] Robbery was the order of the day [and] the Cruelties that were committed in St. Domingo are scarcely to be believed.  As revenge is the ruling Passion of a Negro…the whole Island was immediately filled with Murder [and] Atrocities of every kind.  What ever the most cruel fancy could imagine was put into Execution…and hundreds of…Men, Women, [and] Children were made to expire in most excruciating agonies.  Instances may be quoted of Men absolutely skinned alive [and] then roasted to death before a Slow fire.  … Children were cut out of their Mothers’ Womb [and] dashed to pieces before their faces.[18]

Accounts like Howard’s were not unique among white individuals present during the darkest days of the Revolution.

The second significant contemporary text written by a white witness to the violent uprising is Leonora Sansay’s Secret History; or, The Horrors of St. Domingo (1808).  Sansay’s work is an epistolary novel, presented in the form of letters from “a lady at Cape Francois to Colonel Burr, late vice-president of the United States.”[19] Sansay did, indeed, have a relationship with Aaron Burr, and she was, in fact, an eyewitness to the horrific events that transpired during the bloody conclusion of French rule in Saint-Domingue.  While we may assume that she takes some artistic liberties in her novel, she nevertheless presents a narrative that withstands a great deal of historical scrutiny.  Characters within the novel are genuine historical figures, and the author’s accounts of violence and terror bear a striking resemblance to those of Lieutenant Howard.  Meanwhile, Sansay is, if anything, even more observant and astute.  Her protagonist remarks that

the general in chief [Rochambeau] is at Port-au-Prince, but he possesses no longer the confidence of the people.  He is entirely governed by his officers, who are boys, and who think only of amusement.  He gives splendid balls, and elegant parties; but he neglects the army, and oppresses the inhabitants.[20]

Sansay’s novel also presents a vastly more nuanced image of the Revolution, particularly in its observations that strike one as the sort that women might make more capably than men.

A black chief and his wife were made prisoners last week, and sentenced to be shot.  As they walked to the place of execution the chief seemed deeply impressed with the horror of his approaching fate: but his wife went cheerfully along, endeavoured to console him, and reproached his want of courage.  When they arrived on the field, in which their grave was already dug, she refused to have her eyes bound; and turning to the soldiers who were to execute their sentence, said “Be expeditious and don’t make me linger.”  She received their fire without shrinking, and expired without uttering a groan.

Indeed, as Michael J. Drexler, the editor of Broadview’s excellent edition of Secret History, points out, “unlike the racial taxonomer Moreau de Saint-Méry, not to stabilize ideologically rigid distinctions of caste, but to draw relations between multiple fluid categories.”[21]

Perhaps most powerful of all, however, are the societal parallels Sansay notes between the United States, then in its infancy, and the revolutionary Saint-Domingue.  If we assume that both the American and Haitian revolutions were in part reflective of dynamic and powerful social phenomenon, then Sansay’s observations become even more telling.

Among the oppositions Sansay describes as being on shaky ground in both Saint-Domingue and the United States are geographic hierarchies (such as the distinction between Creole and native French), and political hierarchies (such as the distinctions between French subjects under Napoleon and the “citoyens” of the collapsed French Republic); similarly unstable is the partisan divide in the United States between Federalism and Antifederalism.[22]

Adding to these complexities these were, of course, the similar economic and political factors that motivated both the American colonists and the residents of Saint-Domingue, most significantly the free-trade ethos that permeated the merchant and planter classes.  Disdainful of distant metropolitan restrictions on their commerce, residents of both colonies reacted, with results noted by Sansay.

Though ostensibly a work of fiction, Leonora Sansay’s words read like a genuine diary of an eyewitness to history, and strike one as every bit as credible as either Moreau’s or Howard’s accounts.  Though Heinl and Heinl would likely not be impressed, their label of “impressionistic” could hardly describe Secret History.

Some Later Texts

Perhaps the most important and well-known book on the subject of the Haitian Revolution is C.L.R. James’s The Black Jacobins (1938), which appeared when there was a significant shortage of material on the subject in English.  Prior to that, political and social discourse on either side of the Atlantic likely made the topic unappealing.  But James proceeds to recount the lives of the Revolutions key actors, most especially Toussaint Louverture.  A reader clearly perceives that one of James’s primary objectives is to describe what motivated an individual like Louverture, who appears rather like a superhero in James’s account: “he slept but two hours every night,” possessed “reckless physical bravery,” satisfied “all who came to see him,” and “never broke his word”.[23] Dismissing the gratuitous violence that historic sources describe as a key characteristic of the Revolution, James makes a forceful, often suspect, but occasionally convincing claim for Louverture’s greatness:

The basis of his power was the support of the black laborers.  Its framework was the army.  But from the simplest black laborer to the French generals and the best educated and most traveled and experienced of the local whites, all recognized that both in his work and personal idiosyncrasies he was the first man in San Domingo, and such a man as would have been in the first rank in any sphere.[24]

The Black Jacobins can, in some places, come across as mere hero worship, but it is an astonishingly readable and powerful narrative of a terrifically complex event.

Among the best recent works on the topic of the Haitian Revolution, Laurent Dubois’ Avengers of the New World (2004) stands out.  In the prologue Dubois posits that

the impact of the Haitian Revolution was enormous.  As a unique example of successful black revolution, it became a crucial part of the political, philosophical, and cultural currents of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries.  By creating a society in which all people, of all colors, were granted freedom and citizenship, the Haitian Revolution forever transformed the world. [25]

One would not dispute the uniqueness of the events that took place in Saint-Domingue from 1791 to 1804, but in the course of Avengers, Dubois paints another, less cheerful picture – one which suggests that the society that emerged from the Revolution was not entirely harmonious, and that the methods used to reach independence sometimes undermined the ostensible ideals and goals of the Revolution itself.

First, though, keeping in mind that the Haitian Revolution was never a simple struggle between black slaves and white colonial masters, we must remember that what became a revolution began as something else, and that the objectives of its participants were not always clear.  As Dubois points out, “the goal of the slave insurgents during [the] first phase of the Haitian Revolution was not to break away from France.”  Rather, “it was slave owners, not slaves, who clamored most for autonomy and even for independence.”[26] The shifting allegiances and alliances Dubois details in Avengers, particularly in chapters five through ten, demonstrate how protean the actors in this struggle really were.  Underscoring the potential for ambiguity, to increase clarity Dubois diverges from the methods of other historians (including Wim Klooster in Revolutions in the Atlantic World), and replaces the “misleading” label “mulatto” with “gens de couleur,” or “free people of color,” which he argues would be an expression familiar to this story’s protagonists.[27] This is only a small example of the sensitivity with which Dubois approaches the subject.  As we see later in his descriptions of racially motivated violence, the author makes clear that context is key.[28]

Dubois arranges Avengers in a chronological fashion, beginning with an analysis of Saint-Domingue’s early colonial history, barely touching on its pre-Columbian existence, but moving directly into the origins of slavery on the island.  Having pointed out the scarcity of primary sources from the perspective of slaves and free blacks, Dubois makes good use of the observations of the creole “Médéric-Lois-Elie Moreau de St. Méry, a lawyer, writer, and one-time resident of Saint-Domingue” who had kept copious notes on Saint-Domingue and Spanish Santo Domingo.  Moreau, Dubois explains, was an astute observer of colonial life in Saint-Domingue, and found the island to be blessed with beauty, natural splendor, and a source of potential riches for France, but he did not wish to delve into the horrors of the Revolution.  His 1796 book is deliberately set in 1789, on the eve of the revolt.[29] “Moreau was in Saint-Domingue” in 1787, when France denied the colony permission to create its own colonial assembly as it had allowed in Martinique and Guadeloupe, enraging the elites.  Saint-Domingue’s merchant and planter class had a stubbornly autocratic attitude that was reflected in their attitudes toward free trade, contraband, and slavery.  The reaction of the merchants and slave masters, who felt that restrictions granting slaves quality-of-life improvements and the right to complain about abuse undermined their authority as owners of property, helped “lay the foundation for the demands of self-government that would explode into open rebellion.”[30]

Approximately “685,000 slaves were brought into Saint-Domingue during the eighteenth century alone,” and their labor fueled the most prolific and profitable plantation colony on earth, generating an enormous percentage of the world’s sugar, coffee, indigo, and other commodities.[31] Slaves outnumbered whites nine to one by the eve of the revolution.  As Dubois makes clear, there was a good deal of compromise on plantations between black slaves and their masters.[32] The simple mathematics of the equation necessitated a degree of practicality on the part of slaveholders.  But racism was omnipresent, and informed every facet of life, even for the gens de couleur.  Free black women were often treated as mere courtesans, and slaves, of course, were merely possessions to be used in whatever way owners wished.[33] When masters wantonly abused their slaves, authorities might contradict the letter of the law and side against the slaves, making a risky bet in the process: “if slaves saw planters punished on the basis of [slave] testimony, there would be a breakdown of authority and, ultimately, a slave rebellion.”  “On the other hand…if the violence of planters was not kept in check, and if slaves found no recourse from the administration, they would have no option but violent vengeance.”[34] That, it turns out, appears to be a significant factor in the outbreak of violence that began in August 1791.

In chapter four of Avengers, Dubois lays out the incidents of the Revolution’s first days in the summer of 1791.  The uprising of black slaves against plantation owners and overseers seems straight-forward enough, and the descriptions of the bloody violence speak for themselves.  But the course of events that followed is far less clear-cut.  Dubois describes the ways in which the revolutionaries shifted from framing their cause “in the language” of the French Revolution (making references to the Rights of Man), to appealing to more Loyalist sentiments.[35] This, again, underscores the complexities of the Haitian Revolution, which, like its participants, defy simple categorization.

Many of the Revolution’s participants are chronicled in Avengers.  Dubois, appropriately, devotes considerable attention to Toussaint Louverture, a free man of color who led the revolutionary forces for years until his betrayal, capture, and exile in France.  In Revolutions in the Atlantic World, Wim Klooster feels comfortable confirming that Louverture was descended from African royalty.[36] Louverture was constantly reevaluating his situation, switching allegiance from one side to the other as it suited his cause.  It is sad, then, that a leader who showed so much promise devolved into a virtual tyrant, enforcing draconian rules without mercy, as Dubois describes in chapter eleven.

If Toussaint Louverture comes out looking less heroic for his tactics, Dubois seeks to remind us that his ideas were noble:

Louverture wanted free trade, control over economic policy within the colony, and political autonomy.  Unlike [earlier planter activists], he had successfully forced such a regime on the metropolitan officials in the colony.  Like the planters, he envisioned a thriving plantation economy.  But, unlike them, he sought to construct an order without slavery.  In a curious reversal of the situation in 1793 and 1794, when planters sought autonomy to save slavery, Louverture sought it to save emancipation.[37]

That emancipation would ultimately be permanently achieved from a technical standpoint, even if conditions bordering on slavery continued to exist on plantations after independence in 1804.

Klooster argues that “revolutions are not foreordained.  They could have been prevented, derailed, or postponed.”[38] Dubois would likely agree that conditions in Saint-Domingue would have required only limited modification to avert the revolution that took place there beginning in 1791.  That is a lesson that one could draw from the entire ordeal.  But as it becomes clear in both Dubois’s and Klooster’s books, the Haitian Revolution is far too complex to boil down to simple statements.

Conclusions

Michel-Rolph Trouillot claims that the events and outcomes of the Revolution were “unthinkable” to many ostensive revolutionaries at the time whose own ideas of equality could not abide black freedom, and who maintained institutions that suppressed it.[39] David Nicholls believes that

the ideas and beliefs of Haitians, which must be seen largely as the products and beliefs of their history, have influenced their actions, and…the story of the country cannot properly be told without an knowledge of these ideas.  For us to comprehend what was said and believed in the past it may be necessary to employ concepts which were not themselves used by those whose ideas were are studying.[40]

This seems like good advice for historians of all subjects, but may prove especially true for those who seek to study the Haitian Revolution.  Over two centuries have passed since the world’s first successful slave rebellion gave birth to a nation of free black citizens, but in many ways the promise of that revolution remain unfulfilled.  This is partly due, no doubt, to tragic circumstances beyond anyone’s control, and partly to outside prejudice and domestic corruption and incompetence.  But whatever the failures and whatever the reasons, the citizens of Haiti share a remarkable and unique heritage, and that heritage only becomes more impressive the more scholars examine the fascinating story of the Revolution of Saint-Domingue.

Read more »

Cromwell Place

7 Cromwell Place Seven Cromwell Place, a two-story structure with dark shingles and a broad front porch, today seems out of place where it sits between parking garages and office buildings.  Yet, when the house was built in the late nineteenth century, it was surrounded by other fine homes inhabited by White Plains’ wealthiest and most influential citizens.  The mayor once resided at No. 7 Cromwell Place.  Between 1921 and 1961 the house was the home of Percy Grainger.

Grainger was born in Australia in 1882, and even by today’s standards he was an odd fellow.  He ate weird, designed his own clothes, built his own musical instruments, and got married on stage at the Hollywood Bowl.  As a composer, Grainger is certainly not of the highest rank.  His chief skill lay in arranging folk songs of the British Isles.  Those arrangements for band or piano sold countless copies, and in conjunction with live performances of these settings he made a great deal of money.  His skill as a pianist was extraordinary, as demonstrated by his arrangement of Country Gardens:

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He had traveled around with an Edison wax cylinder machine strapped to his back, recording folk songs.  This may be how he encountered An Irish Tune from County Derry:

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I toured No. 7 Cromwell Place on a rainy Monday morning, guided by an old man named Stuart Manville, the president of the International Percy Grainger Society.  Mr. Manville grew up in White Plains, and remembers seeing Grainger around.  A decade after Grainger’s death, Mr. Manville married the composer’s widow Ella, and they lived together at Cromwell Place until her death in 1979.

Stairs and Window The fact that Percy Grainger is not among the first rank of composers is both harmful and helpful.  Harmful because, as Mr. Manville explained to me, the Grainger Society has scant resources with which to preserve Cromwell Place.  Verily, as I noticed, wallpaper is peeling from many surfaces, paint is chipped or missing from walls and woodwork, the kitchen has no running water, and so on.  Rock Hill, Aaron Copland’s house in nearby Cortlandt Manor, is better preserved, Mr. Manville said, because, of course, Copland’s music still sells well.   On the other hand, because Grainger is not as well-known, and few people visit it, it remains almost exactly as it was when the composer lived.  Indeed, as I walked around, I could see that many things had clearly not been touched in decades.

Grainger's Music Room As you enter the house, Grainger’s main music room is on the left.  His portrait hangs above his grand piano.  On a shelf nearby, a framed photograph of Edvard Grieg is signed to Grainger.  The composers were friends.  There is another upright piano in the room, too, with a worn out stool beneath it.  Sheet music is everywhere.

Dining Room Table To the right of the front entrance is a living room, with a home-made exercise bar strung up by Grainger between two columns.  Through the living room is a dining room with a surprisingly humble table made from sawhorses.  An original Edison wax cylinder machine was nearby.  Books and papers were piled everywhere.  Off the dining room, the kitchen was more primitive than anyone would tolerate today.  The stove was a wood-burning model, and access to bottled  milk deliveries was still possible through a small door at the back designed solely for that purpose.

Grainger's Bedroom The Graingers’ bedrooms are on the second floor, and appear exactly as they did while the composer lived.  Though surely the linens have been changed and the furniture dusted, all else looks untouched.  The carpets and furnishings and items are all original.  Mr. Manville explained that he hadn’t even gone through the items in a small cabinet facing the bed.  A small paper heart “to my love” still is pinned to the door.  Ella Grainger’s bedroom appears as more of a monument to her than a time capsule.  That is, one of her dresses lies across the bed, while another–which she wore to the White House to meet the Roosevelts–is hanging from a hat rack.  Her combs and toiletries sit on her vanity, while her portrait and one she painted of Grainger, hang on the wall.

Basement Treasure Upstairs in the attic and downstairs in the basement lie the real treasures of Cromwell Place: hundreds, if not thousands, of Percy Grainger’s scores, arranged in boxes on shelves.  Grainger had had two fire-resistant concrete bunkers constructed in the basement, and Mr. Manville told me that when Benjamin Britten and Ralph Vaughan Williams visited Grainger proudly gave them tours of his music archive.  Clearly visible on the shelves are boxes labeled “I’m 17 Come Sunday”, “In a Nutshell”, “Molly”, “Irish Tune Co. Derry”, “Mock Morris”, and “Shepherd’s Hey”:

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These rooms were absolutely fascinating.  These boxes appeared almost completely undisturbed.  Indeed, a suitcase sitting on the floor had likely not been touched in decades. Why this material isn’t at a national library in Canberra is beyond me, but I consider myself very fortunate to have been able to see it with my own eyes, and even touch it with my own hands.

I have known of Percy Grainger for years, mostly as the composer of The Warriors and Lincolnshire Posy:

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He remains Australia’s most important composer, and he lived at No. 7 Cromwell Place in White Plains, New York.

Tucson

The terrible shooting in Tucson yesterday is extremely disheartening, not least because the victims seem to have been decent people exercising their Constitutional right of peaceable assembly.

Almost as soon as I heard the news, I began hearing people on each side of the political spectrum either placing blame, or deflecting blame.  Indeed, it is too early to know much about the motives of the alleged murderer.  He may be an entirely apolitical lunatic.  As NPR reported yesterday afternoon, there have been a few instances of assassins and attempted-assassins acting with no apparent political motives.  John Hinckley simply wanted to impress Jodie Foster, for instance.

Conversely, we may find that the murderer in this instance was an avowed political reactionary, and Representative Giffords was his ideologically enemy.  Or, perhaps, the attempted assassin is a radical, and the congresswoman was not liberal enough for him.  Again, we do not know anything yet.

Whatever the facts, the New York Times ran an outstanding Op-Ed today that offers good advice for all of us.  I won’t quote the piece, because each paragraph requires the context of the next paragraph to make its argument.  I will simply suggest that you read it.